September 12 marked the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Two-plus-four treaty, concluded between the two German states and the four main victorious powers of World War II: France, Great Britain, the Soviet Union and the United States of America. It was the treaty that made German reunification possible. “One Georgian divided Germany - it is only fitting that another Georgian should reunite it” – as Eduard Shevardnadse famously quipped, his humor seeming to turn a difficult and complex history into a sort of child´s play. Beyond its role in German history, however, the treaty laid the diplomatic groundwork for a Europe whole and free. This wider vision remains relevant today.

In 1945, the four great powers had reserved themselves the right to determine jointly, at some point in the future, what was to become of Germany. The factual result of their arrangement had been a division not only of the former enemy nation, but of Europe as a whole, with countries from Estonia to Bulgaria exposed to Soviet domination.

Now, in the revolutionary year of 1989, the nations concerned had thrown off Moscow´s shackles and had begun to build democratic governments. It was clear that this entailed geopolitical change on an unprecedented scale. Just how this change would unfold, however, and how far it should go was an open question. People had felt their own power - but Soviet troops and weapons were still stationed far and wide in the Eastern half of the continent. In a number of places, they were subsequently used as instruments of power in conflicts that are still open today.

The four-power arrangement of the 1945s seemed like ancient history – but right then, it was put to good use. The two German states claimed their own right to decide about their future, but were prepared to do this in cooperation with the “Four”. This could only work because in the leadership of the Soviet Union, Mikhail Gorbachev and Eduard Shevardnadse held a realistic view of the dangers and necessities of the situation – and because they trusted their Western counterparts to resolve all issues in a way that aimed at a lasting and amicable settlement. Through their wisdom, the Soviet Union, which could have been a victim, a looser, became one of the shapers of a new order.

Germany, indeed, undertook a number of commitments: The Western border of Poland was recognized as definitive. Germany would never acquire weapons of mass destruction and would never use any of its weapons except in conformity with the UN charter. No foreign troops and no nuclear weapons were to be stationed in former Eastern Germany. Soviet troops could remain there until their withdrawal under an agreement to be concluded separately. Very importantly, however, the right of united Germany to be part of alliances of its own choosing was explicitly guaranteed.

In spite of his achievements and, most of all, the sheer inevitability and irreversibility of change, Shevardnadse faced growing opposition in Moscow from politicians who imagined that the empire could have been safeguarded by a more confrontational stance. This lead to his resignation just a few months after the signature of the treaty. What remained was the deep trust and indeed the personal friendship between him and German foreign minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher. This led to Genscher´s visit to Tbilisi in April 1992, where Shevardnadse had taken on a new role and responsibility. There is a direct line that leads from the Two-plus-four treaty to the opening of the first foreign embassy in Tbilisi and to the strong cooperation that our countries have enjoyed ever since.

Diplomatic texts typically contain some passages that could be characterized as just pretty words, as adornments. In the case of the Two plus four treaty, the vision for Europe that it laid out did become reality to a very large extent: a just and lasting order of peace based on the principles of the Helsinki conference, due regard for the security interests of every state, a readiness not to regard each other as adversaries, but to work towards a relationship of trust and cooperation.

This is how the great majority of European nations live together today. All across the vast space of this continent, historic legacies of enmity were overcome and can hardly even be understood by new generations. This background makes the counter-examples stand out starkly. Some of them are directly connected to action by Russia: the annexation of Crimea, construction of separatism in Eastern Ukraine, illegal presence of Russian troops on Georgian territory, regions and communities divided by barbed wire. Some have their roots in persistent feelings of ethnic fear.

Proud to be the heir of a long history, Russia may one day rediscover the Two-plus-four treaty in its treasure chest – and with it the Charter of Paris and other fundamental documents of the OSCE that followed it. A Europe fully based on them makes everyone a winner.

German Ambassador to Georgia

Hubert Knirsch

source: IPN